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Buck-Morss also deserves praise for placing the Haitian Revolution firmly at the center of modernity--and insisting that scholars in many fields contemplate its lessons. The supposed idealist becomes a hard-headed realist whose concepts are formed while reading the morning newspapers.
Buck-Morss defends a reconstructed notion of universal history despite her own important account of the problematic entwinement of history and race in Hegel. Keywords: Hegel , universal history , race , Haiti , Buck-Morss. Henrich Paulus quoted in Bernasconi
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Hegel, Haiti, and Universal History offers a fundamental reinterpretation of Hegel's master-slave dialectic and points to a way forward to free critical theoretical practice from the prison-house of its own debates. Historicizing the th In this path-breaking work, Susan Buck-Morss draws new connections between history, inequality, social conflict, and human emancipation.
Historicizing the thought of Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel and the actions taken in the Haitian Revolution, Buck-Morss examines the startling connections between the two and challenges us to widen the boundaries of our historical imagination.
She finds that it is in the discontinuities of historical flow, the edges of human experience, and the unexpected linkages between cultures that the possibility to transcend limits is discovered. It is these flashes of clarity that open the potential for understanding in spite of cultural differences. Get A Copy. Paperback , pages. Published February 22nd by University of Pittsburgh Press first published More Details Original Title.
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Rating details. More filters. Sort order. Start your review of Hegel, Haiti, and Universal History. Feb 01, Dusty rated it really liked it Shelves: read-in There are substantial limitations to Susan Buck-Morss's claim, in this revered and controversial collection of essays, that German intellectual G.
Hegel's master-slave dialectic is, in fact, a philosophical commentary on the Haitian Revolution. For one, although she is brilliant, she is not a trained scholar of the Caribbean; if she were, she probably would not find such parallels between European Freemasonry, African secret societies, and Haitian vodou, and she almost certainly would not cl There are substantial limitations to Susan Buck-Morss's claim, in this revered and controversial collection of essays, that German intellectual G.
For one, although she is brilliant, she is not a trained scholar of the Caribbean; if she were, she probably would not find such parallels between European Freemasonry, African secret societies, and Haitian vodou, and she almost certainly would not classify the latter as a "cult. Limitations aside, however, the two primary essays are extremely readable and poignant, and Buck-Morss brings the Caribbean to European studies and vice-versa in illuminating ways.
My recommendation: Follow the author's recommendation to read the first essay as an afterward, rather than an introduction, to "Hegel and Haiti. May 29, Myriam rated it liked it. This theoretical text was worth the read for Buck-Morss expansion on her earlier essay from which the book takes its name, "Hegel and Haiti.
Here, however, Buck-Morss takes a step back from her more radical earlier essay to s This theoretical text was worth the read for Buck-Morss expansion on her earlier essay from which the book takes its name, "Hegel and Haiti. Here, however, Buck-Morss takes a step back from her more radical earlier essay to state that hers is not essentially a quarrel with Hegel but on the omissions with which he participated. She gets somewhat lost in her own argument while making the novice error of overrelying on a few key though notable outside sources such as Trouillot and Dayan ; much of Buck-Morss' arguments have been made before, by Haitian scholars, throughout the twentieth century.
It's a sad commentary that Haiti's historical impact and contribution can only be taken seriously when more mainstream scholars decide to take these seriously, legitimizing in retrospect the efforts of dozens of well-regarded primarily in Francophone and French studies Haitianist scholars. The final essay of the collection should have been omitted or worked over at more length; Buck-Morss here gets lost in efforts to make connections between Islam and Haiti and US foreign policy which simply do not work Der erste Teil zu "Hegel und Haiti" ist herausragend, der zweite zur "Universalgeschichte" leider ganz und gar nicht.
Sep 04, Jeune Fille rated it it was amazing Shelves: undergrad-curriculum. Dec 27, kasia rated it really liked it. This is a fun book to think with, if an uneven one.
I'm increasingly fascinated by the question of how people engage with the politics of their times, so I was obviously primed to be interested in thinking about how to think about whether Hegel had Haiti on the brain. The second half, the reflection on universal history, seems more like a meditation than an argument, which it to say that it swings for the fences, and doesn't always connect.
But the ambition is invigorating. Aug 22, Henrique Valle added it Shelves: yeee. I did not set out to write about Hegel or Haiti. In the s, I was working on a different project. By the time Marx studied economics two generations later, it was described as the "dismal science"; today's philosophers seldom show interest. Hegel is in fact describing the deterritoralized, world market of the European colonial system, and he is the first philosopher to do so.
Compared with civil society in the old sense, bourgeois society is unpatriotic, driven to push beyond national limits in trade. We are compelled to ask: what is the connection between the master-slave relationship and the new global economy? The Haitian Revolution lies at the crossroads of multiple discourses as a defining moment in world history. One caveat deserves consideration. But there is no doubt that Hegel and Haiti belong together. By The Eighteenth Century, slavery had become the root metaphor of Western political philosophy, connoting everything that was evil about power relations.
One would think that, surely, no rational, "enlightened" thinker could have failed to notice. But such was not the case. My apologies, but this apparent detour is the argument itself. Hobbes accepted slavery as "an inevitable part of the logic of power. Hobbes was honest and unconflicted about slavery- John Locke less so. The Enlightenment philosopher In evoking the liberties of natural rights theory, the American colonists as slave owners were led to "a monstrous inconsistency.
These events, leading to the complete freedom of the slaves and the colony, were unprecedented. We need to be aware of the facts from this perspective. Mulattoes owned an estimated one-third of the cultivated land in Saint-Domingue. The unfolding of the logic of freedom in the colonies threatened to unravel the total institutional framework of the slave economy that supported such a substantial part of the French bourgeoisie, whose political revolution, of course, this was.
And yet only the logic of freedom gave legitimacy to their revolution in the universal terms in which the French saw themselves. The Haitian Revolution was the crucible, the trial by fire for the ideals of the French Enlightenment.
And every European who was part of the bourgeois reading public knew it. Marcus Rainsford wrote in that the cause of the Haitian Revolution was the "spirit of liberty. Given the facility with which this dialectic of lordship and bondage lends itself to such a reading, one wonders why the topic Hegel and Haiti has for so long been ignored. Not only have Hegel scholars failed to answer this question; they have failed, for the past two hundred years, even to ask it. Surely a major reason for this omission is the Marxist appropriation of a social interpretation of Hegel's dialectic.
We would not share the perplexity of the editor of these lectures, who noted in that Hegel "spoke surprisingly frequently of slaves.
Freemasonry was a crucial factor in the uprisings in Saint-Domingue. But at least in regard to the abolition of slavery, Hegel's retreat from revolutionary radicalism was clear.
Haiti was once again in the news in the teens and twenties, hotly debated by abolitionists and their opponents in the British press, including in the Edinburgh Review, which we know for certain Hegel was then reading. We have no record as to whether these debates caused Hegel, as well, to reconsider Haiti's "great experiment. It is sadly ironic that the more faithfully his lectures reflected Europe's conventional scholarly wisdom on African society, the less enlightened and more bigoted they became.
Why is ending the silence on Hegel and Haiti important? Hegel's moment of clarity of thought would need to be juxtaposed to that of others at the time Even more, Hegel's moment would need to be juxtaposed to the moments of clarity in action: the French soldiers sent by Napoleon to the colony who , upon hearing these former slaves singing the "Marseillaise," wondered aloud if theywere not fighting on the wrong side; the Polish regiment under Leclerc's command who disobeyed orders and refused to drown six hundred captured Saint-Domiguans.
There are many examples of such clarity, and they belong to no side, no one group exclusively. Political guilt has its own ambivalence, because refusing to do your socially prescribed duty in order to do right entails being a traitor The critical writing of history is a continuous struggle to liberate the past from within the unconscious of a collective that forgets the conditions of its own existence.
The emergence of racial distinctions guaranteed the property rights of masters, while policing the boundary between slaves and liberty.
Within a decade, the very success of the Haitian Revolution intensified racism as a means of segregating Europe from the impact of global events.
Pierre Franklin—not Prof. Subsequently, in a major article I wrote about the recent studies on the Haitian Revolution, I gave the credit to where it is due—to Dr. She also insists that the Haitian Revolution has contributed significantly to European critical discourses on subjectivity, freedom, identity, and consciousness. All these articles are about the connection between Hegel and the African participation in History. In the letter that he has sent to the French journalist Jean Ristat, he gave a short and clear explanation of his points of view.
H egel mentioned Haiti exactly once, as far as we know, in a life not marked by taciturnity; but it was a great idea to put the two together. The pairing here makes for a stirring polemic footnote 1. She is right that Hegel knew about Haiti, but she is wrong about the master—slave dialectic. Her appeal to some syncretic universalism, meanwhile, is a matter of opinion.
In , Susan Buck-Morss published an essay in the journal Critical Inquiry that positively crackled with provocations for research, scholarly imagination, and political action. It still packs a powerful punch. Its strength lies in the development of a specific claim in the history of philosophy into a general theme concerning universality and politics.
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Вот. - Она едва заметно подмигнула. - В этом все и. - Мидж… - Доброй ночи, Чед. - Она направилась к двери.
То, что она увидела, привело ее в ужас. С интервалом в три минуты была зарегистрирована вторая серия команд запирания-отпирания. Согласно регистру, кто-то открывал ее компьютер, пока ее не было в комнате. Но это невозможно.
В этом вся ее сущность. Блестящий криптограф - и давнишнее разочарование Хейла. Он часто представлял, как занимается с ней сексом: прижимает ее к овальной поверхности ТРАНСТЕКСТА и берет прямо там, на теплом кафеле черного пола. Но Сьюзан не желала иметь с ним никакого дела. И, что, на взгляд Хейла, было еще хуже, влюбилась в университетского профессора, который к тому же зарабатывал сущие гроши.
Table of Contents · PREFACE · pp. ix-xii · restricted access Download PDF Download Save. Save contents.
Солнечный удар и инфаркт. Бедолага. Беккер ничего не сказал и продолжал разглядывать пальцы умершего. - Вы уверены, что на руке у него не было перстня. Офицер удивленно на него посмотрел. - Перстня.
Сьюзан покачала головой, не зная, что на это возразить. Хейл улыбнулся: - Так заканчивал Танкадо все свои письма ко. Это было его любимое изречение. ГЛАВА 32 Дэвид Беккер остановился в коридоре у номера 301. Он знал, что где-то за этой витиеватой резной дверью находится кольцо. Вопрос национальной безопасности.
К ней как-то не шло сквернословие - как неуместны сточные воды в хрустальном графине. Но, приглядевшись, он убедился, что она вовсе не такая изысканная особа, как ему показалось вначале. Веки припухли, глаза красные, левая рука у локтя - вся в кровоподтеках с синеватым отливом. Господи Иисусе, - подумал. - Наркотики внутривенно. Кто бы мог подумать. - Проваливай! - крикнула .
Он решил сменить тактику: - Я из специальной группы, занимающейся туристами. Отдайте кольцо, или мне придется отвести вас в участок и… - И что? - спросила она, подняв брови в притворном ужасе. Беккер замолчал.
Но ему хватило одного взгляда, чтобы понять: никакая это не диагностика. Хейл мог понять смысл лишь двух слов. Но этого было достаточно. СЛЕДОПЫТ ИЩЕТ… - Следопыт? - произнес .
Она поймала себя на мысли, что глаза ее смотрят в пустоту. Прижавшись лицом к стеклу, Мидж вдруг почувствовала страх - безотчетный, как в раннем детстве.
In this path-breaking work, Susan Buck-Morss draws new connections between history, inequality, social conflict, and human emancipation.Lena B. 11.12.2020 at 13:09
What she proposes instead is "a universal history worthy of the name" x , by which she means one that does not give the European Enlightenment and its direct heirs a monopoly on the historical project of freedom.Sunta A. 14.12.2020 at 03:12
Hegel, Haiti, and Universal History Read Online · Download PDF. Save It traces the years of research that led to “Hegel and Haiti,” fleshing out material.Tegan F. 14.12.2020 at 14:02
Buck-Morss defends a reconstructed notion of universal history despite her own important account of the problematic entwinement of history and race in Hegel.