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Download PDF. A short summary of this paper. The Writings of Bipan Chandra. Jawaharlal Nehru in Historical Perspective 3. Gandhiji, Secularism and Communalism 4.
The Making of the Indian Nation part 2 6. Colonialism and Modernisation 7. Fundamentalism and Communalism Enlightened History Reviews—Section Divider 1. In his student days at Stanford in the late s, he was deeply influenced by Marxism and the Left movement. This made him shift from pursuing an engineering degree to becoming a student of economics and history.
On his return to India, he became a part of the communist movement in the country. He saw his intellectual work as part of the process of trying to understand reality in order to be better equipped to change it. His study of colonialism and communalism, and developing a powerful critique of these forces, in particular intellectual trends which promoted them, emanated from his deep commitment to anti-imperialism and secularism. Similarly, his effort to correctly characterise the nature of the national movement and of the nation-state that it spawned, and his effort to learn from successful transformative movements reflected his desire to evaluate and arrive at an understanding of the main contradictions in society and help evolve appropriate objectives of social transformation and better methods of achieving them.
This, so that futile, wrong battles were not fought or even if the correct objective was identified it was not sought to be achieved with methods, which were doomed to be failures. Bipan Chandra always was and remains at 84 an activist-scholar, and it is impossible to understand his scholarship if one does not understand his commitment to social transformation. What distinguishes Bipan Chandra from a large number of scholars that emerged among the Left, and ranks him among the tallest intellectuals within this tradition globally, is his refusal to surrender to any kind of dogma while pursuing his intellectual queries.
As would be expected, from one who refused to be a prisoner to any dogma, Chandra had no hesitation in abandoning orthodoxies created around his own work. He readily re-evaluated his own formulations, often modifying and sometimes completely overthrowing them. It is this courage to stand by his own convictions against powerful currents, if necessary, which enabled Chandra to make major breakthroughs in the understanding of modern and contemporary India.
A school of thought does not generally get established by the work of an individual. It requires a team effort. It is here that Chandra can boast of another major achievement. Over the decades he has created a team of scholars around him who have filled out, expanded, innovated on and amended the breakthroughs in ideas that he sparked off and have on occasion broken new ground. One example of the intellectual output of this team is the series of monographs that have appeared under his general editorship called the Sage Series in Modern Indian History.
Much other work apart from the thirteen monographs that have so far appeared in the Series bears the imprint of the school of thought inspired by Bipan Chandra. The group was formed in the first years of the new millennium to combat the massive efforts made by the Hindu communalists to attack secular and scientific history-writing in India and replace it with communal interpretations of history with the active support of the BJP-led NDA regime.
It also includes works which had not yet been published in their entirety. The volume called for yet another edition in after numerous reprints as it was a marker of the significant breaks made by Chandra at that time, some of which have stood the test of time till today.
However, in many areas Chandra made considerable advances over his own position in I will, in this introduction, attempt to provide a flavour of the nature of the breakthroughs made by Bipan Chandra by drawing from some of the essays in the collection. Over time they succeeded in eroding the imperialist ideological hegemony over the Indian people. In greater or lesser degree, this denial is common to the colonial, neo-colonial and subaltern historiography as well as to some strands of the Left approach.
He argues that the strategy of the movement or the forms of struggle it adopted, were not to be seen in a class reductionist manner as they did not emerge out of the interest of any one class but were a function of the nature of the state that it sought to overthrow.
The movement would A school, which claims to give voice to the Indian poor, largely from the safe 12 and sanitised environs of the First World. Gandhiji himself had clarified that suspension of a movement did not mean surrender or compromise with imperialism. The latter can only end when India has a constitution of her own making.
Also, if the movement was to be a mass movement involving millions, including the poor, and not a guerilla movement or a movement led by a revolutionary army then non-violence would be the suitable form. A non-violent mass movement defying the government put the colonial state on the horns of a dilemma. If it suppressed the movement it lost ground on the moral-hegemonic terrain, being seen as using brutal power to suppress peaceful protestors, and if it did not suppress the movement it lost again as the state was seen as incapable of asserting its authority.
Reiterating that the Indian national movement was a multi-class movement of all classes oppressed by imperialism, Chandra insists that there was no inherent class essence or a predetermined fixed class character of the movement.
Chandra here makes a major departure from existing historiographical positions of all hues, including his own. Not only does he see the national movement as open-ended and capable of being transformed in a radical direction but he now sees Gandhiji as a brilliant leader of this popular movement who far from being bourgeois or non-revolutionary played a critical role in trying to ensure that the class adjustment that necessarily had to happen in a multi-class movement, happened increasingly in favour of the poor and oppressed.
Gandhiji not only met all the three criteria Lenin14 had outlined for declaring a national liberation movement as revolutionary, i. It is regarding the third criteria, Chandra argues, that not only did Gandhiji not prevent Communists from organising the masses, he created conditions favourable to the increase in Left ideological influence. In fact, Gandhiji himself increasingly moved in the Left direction.
Interviews with a large number of Left leaders of the national movement from all over India conducted by Chandra and his team repeatedly confirmed the positive correlation between the spread of the national movement and the possibility of the emergence of the Left. It was another matter that many on the Left rather than build on the Gandhian legacy dissipated the advantage by positing themselves against it and even demonising it.
Perhaps the tallest from among the Left who did not do so was Jawaharlal Nehru. In an essay written in , Chandra argued that during to Nehru had reached the high water mark of his radicalism as a Marxist, where he showed the capacity to break out of the Gandhian framework into a revolutionary mould.
Evidently an understanding of Gandhi was the key to an understanding of various aspects of the Indian national movement. Once one got the former right the rest seemed to fall in place readily. The failure of the Stalin-Marxist position, which was beginning to marginalise the Left and the success of the Gramscian path of war of position pursued by Gandhi made Nehru re-evaluate the Gandhian strategy.
He no longer saw the Congress as a structured bourgeois party but one which was not only capable of being transformed in the socialist direction but was actually gradually shifting left-wards. Chandra in this piece and elsewhere brilliantly details the process of Nehru gradually discovering Gandhi and as predicted by Gandhi beginning to speak his language over time. He also shows how Nehru was among the first in the world to break out of Stalin-Marxism, to emphasise somewhat precociously that while there could be no true democracy without socialism there would be no socialism without democracy.
Nehru began to veer towards the position that socialism could not be brought about by coercion or force. The socialist transformation required societal consensus, the consent of the overwhelming majority of the people. To succeed, it had to be socialism by 95 per cent. Nehru was anticipating what later events were to validate and what was to be slowly accepted globally.
Chandra demonstrates how Gandhiji had a holistic understanding of secularism encompassing all the four terms in which secularism has been defined in India and elsewhere. That is, for Gandhiji secularism meant separation of religion from politics; neutrality of the state towards all faiths or equal regard for all faiths including atheism; state treating all citizens as equal and not discriminating in favour or against anyone on the basis of his or her religion and finally, emerging specifically out of the Indian situation, secularism meant uniting the Indian people against colonialism, which meant secularism in India would involve unambiguous opposition to communalism.
Here religion does not mean sectarianism. It means a belief in ordered moral government of the universe This religion transcends Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, etc. He also argued that the state was not to get involved in religious education, leaving it to religious institutions. The fact that Gandhiji often used imagery or idioms from Hindu mythology or scriptures has often been used by both his secular and Muslim communal critics to argue that he was catering to Hindu communalism.
His use of the term Ramrajya to define what Swaraj in India would mean was the most cited example. Here again Gandhiji was being misrepresented. As Chandra shows, Gandhiji was certainly not using Ramrajya to mean Hindu raj but as a just, humane, moral and egalitarian system of governance. I mean Divine Raj, the Kingdom of God. For me Ram and Rahim are the same deity. Gandhiji was totally committed to civil liberty, freedom of speech and expression, liberty of the press, etc. There is no room there for dilution or compromise.
It is the water of life. I have never heard of water being diluted. He advocated the banning of literature spreading communal hatred. Of course, this was not to deny the massive success of the movement in ensuring that, despite the almost holocaust-like situation caused by the partition riots, India succeeded in a very short time to build a secular democratic state. Many elements of the old feudal structure continued but the structure that emerged was new, it was not the perpetuation of the old.
What emerged he argued was a distinct structure. A few years later Hamza Alavi was to take this formulation forward brilliantly showing how the colonial structure was neither feudal nor capitalist and the colonial mode of production had its own distinct characteristics and laws of development. Nor does it have any residual benefits, which could be beneficial for post-colonial development. In fact, Chandra, from some of his earliest writings, has been emphasising the fact that colonialism was not the route or a transitional phase to the emergence of capitalism, industrialisation or modernisation.
The overthrow of colonialism was necessary for the emergence of modern development. Chandra focuses on the underlying assumptions behind certain characterisations made by Marx regarding the impact of colonialism in India in two articles written in The paper was originally published in Perhaps the most well known formulation was his statement: England has to fulfil a double mission in India: one destructive, the other regenerating—the annihilation of old Asiatic society, and the laying of the material foundations of Western society in India.
Chandra clarifies that both aspects of the double mission were seen to be positive in a historical sense by Marx. The apologists of colonialism misused this assessment. However, Chandra argues that these generalisations were based on certain fundamental assumptions.
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Read "Nationalism and Colonialism in Modern India" by Bipan Chandra available from Rakuten Kobo. The author discusses in detail the twin phenomena of.
Bipan Chandra is a renowned author and historian from India. For several years, Chandra served as a professor at Hindu College, Delhi. Later, he taught history at Jawaharlal Nehru University. Published in the year , History Of Modern India is a book that revolves around the history of British India, throwing light on the nationalist movement and colonialism.
Рана была небольшой, скорее похожей на глубокую царапину. Он заправил рубашку в брюки и оглянулся. Позади уже закрывались двери. Беккер понял, что, если его преследователь находится внутри, он в западне. В Севильском соборе единственный вход одновременно является выходом. Такая архитектура стала популярной в те времена, когда церкви одновременно служили и крепостями, защищавшими от вторжения мавров, поскольку одну дверь легче забаррикадировать.
Смотрите сюда! - Он попытался поднять левую руку. - Кто теперь напишет материал для моей колонки. - Сэр, я… - За все сорок три года путешествий я никогда еще не оказывался в таком положении. Вы только посмотрите на эту палату. Мою колонку перепечатывают издания по всему миру.
Кто тебе сказал про вирус. - Это единственное разумное объяснение, - сказала. - Джабба уверяет, что вирус - единственное, что могло привести к столь долгой работе ТРАНСТЕКСТА. - Подожди минутку! - махнул он рукой, словно прося ее остановиться. - Стратмор сказал, что у них все в порядке.
Title: NATIONALISM AND COLONIALISM IN MODERN INDIA. Authors: CHANDRA, BIPAN. Keywords: HISTORY INDIAN HISTORY. Issue Date: ikafisipundip.org, PREFACE, kB, Adobe PDF, View/Open · Preliminary Page.pdf.Ermelindo B. 12.12.2020 at 01:55
Nationalism and Colonialism in Modern India [BIPAN CHANDRA] on Amazon.com. *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Nationalism and Colonialism in.